About Me

Name: Stephen H.
Biography
Loading...

Create Your Own Blog Find Other Townhall Blogs

Comments

Blog Roll

 
Evolution/Intelligent Design/Creation

China's Foreign Relations and the Magic of Words

     A few weeks ago, tensions arose between the China and the Philippines after a number of Philippine lawmakers visited a small island in the South China Sea claimed by both countries.The island is actually inhabited by Philippine military personnel and civilians, but Beijing asserts that it properly belongs to China.  
    In fact, China claims the entire South China Sea and the islands lying within it as part of its territory. In a recently broadcast report by the government-run English language channel CCTV News, a government spokesman was quoted as saying (in English translation) that it was "indisputable" that this was Chinese territory. The problem for Beijing is that for a number of countries surrounding the South China Sea, including Vietnam and the Philippines, the question of whom the sea and its islands belong to is very much in dispute. Perhaps this not surprising--if one looks at a typical Chinese map, the boundary line of the claimed Chinese territory in the South China Sea extends to only a few miles off the coasts of these countries! At least some of these countries have attempted to negotiate with Beijing over the matter multilaterally through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), but, not surprisingly, China has only been willing to agree to bilateral talks. Why all the fuss about this? Many speculate it is because it is believed there are large natural gas resources under the disputed waters.
   I must say I find China's position on the South China Sea somewhat peculiar. First of all, Chinese claims to the entire South China Sea are based on old Chinese maps, as I undertand it. If territorial claims are to be properly asserted based on old maps, the Chinese government should also be claiming the entire territory of the country of Mongolia (not the Chinese province of Inner Mongolia) as part of China, since in the past China claimed Mongolia as part of its territory. In fact, when I was a student in Taiwan in the early 1980s, I remember seeing maps of China that included Mongolia as part of Chinese territory, due to the claim by the ruling Chinese Nationalist Party (which viewed itself has the legitimate ruler of all China in those days) that Mongolia belonged to China. Moreover, at times in the past China ruled Korea and Vietnam--should those also be claimed as Chinese territory? (I'm sure the Chinese government would say no.)
   Second, it almost appears that the Chinese government believes that words have a sort of magic power. By simply asserting that the South China Sea is "undisputably" Chinese territory, that makes it so.Indeed, I noticed that in a later report on this controversy, it was said that a Chinese government representative at a meeting with representative of the Southeast Asian countries "refuted" claims made by the Philippines about the South China Sea. "Refuted" means that someone has proven a claim to be false, but I suspect the Philippine government wouldn't see it that way.  
   Where this will all lead is hard to say. It seems this dispute over the South China Sea keeps boiling up from time to time, but rarely is anything very dramatic is done about it. I would not be surprised if this issue fades away for a while...and then erupts again!
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Of Communism and Consumerism

   Tomorrow, July 1, is the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Not surprisingly, this anniversary is receiving considerable attention in the Chinese media and elsewhere. Living in China, such celebrations are a reminder that, for all its opening to the world and market reforms, China remains a Communist country, and that the Communist Party is not shy about stressing its achievements.
   Having said that, another phenomenon I have noticed living in the People's Republic is the sometimes strange juxtaposition of Western-style commercialism with Communist orthodoxy. On my first trip to Beijing, in 2000, I recall seeing a three billboards next to each other along a street. Two of the billboards featured political slogans; the one in the middle was a car advertisement!
   Just a few days ago, I noticed another striking example of how Marxism and the market have mixed in China. On the top of the dashboard in a taxi, there was a small sign, reading (as best as I can remember) in English: "Your satisfaction is our goal"--a rather mundane commercial slogan. However, next to these words was an image of Lei Feng. Lei Feng is a Communist icon, a soldier in the Chinese People's Liberation Army in the 1960s who was noted for his good deeds and dedication to the Party. He is famous for supposedly  having said that his goal was to be like a cog in the machine, a selfless servant of the State and the people. After his tragically early death, something of a Lei Feng cult developed. Even today, he is sometimes cited as an embodiment of the frequently-heard slogan "Serve the People," as an antidote to the contemporary materialism and individualism in China. Thus, I found it somewhat ironic that Lei Feng would be used, posthumously, as a sort of  spokesman for a commercial enterprise. However, I suspect many Chinese would see nothing unusual about this--most likely, in light of all the rapid changes that have occurred in Chinese society in their lifetimes, such a mixing of the old and the new is to be expected. Besides such incongruities are nearly everywhere. For example, despite his rather debatable contributions to the Chinese economy, Mao Zedong's image appears on all Chinese paper currency. Now think about that!
 
[A Note to Readers: This is my first post in a month and a half. I apologize for such incredibly light posting, but I do have an excuse in that I have been nearly inundated with student papers over the past several weeks. I hope to post more frequently in the coming days (though I can't promise!).    
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (1) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Now You See Him, Now You Don't: Beijing's Disappearing Confucius Statue

   Late last month, several news sources reported that a large statue of the ancient Chinese philosopher Confucius, which had been placed outside the National Museum of China in Beijing just a few weeks before, had been removed. The statue's location, right in front of the huge National Museum, one of whose entrances borders the world-famous Tiananmen Square, had made it quite prominent. At least one source reported that a museum official had said that the statue had simply been moved inside to a sculpture garden, and that this had always been planned, but since then  I have not seen any media reports confirming that claim.
   Given the lack of any clear evidence about the statue's fate, there has been, not surprisingly, considerable speculation about the reason for its removal. Some apparently believe that the real reason for the statue's disappearance was that it was an ideological eyesore--the statue nearly faced the famous portrait of the late Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong on the Gate of Heavenly Peace (Tianenmen) which leads into the former imperial palace, known to most Westerners as the Forbidden City. The theory presumably is that ardent Maoists thought the statue was an insult to the memory of the "Great Helmsman," Mao. However, at the time of my writing of this post, I have seen no evidence that either confirms or refutes that theory.
   Certainly, the controversy about the statue does demonstrate the ambiguous position of Confucius in modern Chinese society. For much of China's imperial period, the ideas of Confucius, especially his emphases on social harmony and on respect and obedience to one's superiors, were the offiicial state ideology. However, in the early years of the People's Republic, Confucius was villified as being the source of much of the "feudal" thinking that had kept China backwards for so many centuries. In more recent years, however, he has been ideologically rehabilitated. In an effort to reclaim aspects of traditional Chinese culture in order to inculcate a greater sense of national pride, the Communist Party has emphasized the idea that Confucius was not actually a reactionary, but a progressive thinker. Certainly, his ideas on the need for social harmony and respect for authority have not been unwelcomed in light of the breakdown in social order that occured during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), and whose effects have lingered for some time after. The Chinese government has even employed Confucius in its cultural diplomacy--the government-funded Chinese language and culture programs that have sprung up around the world have been dubbed "Confucius Institutes." After the controversary over the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to a critic of the Chinese government last year, a "Confucius Prize," awarded by the Chinese government, was established in response.
   Although I was on the edge of Tiananmen Square one afternoon last March, I can't say I have a clear memory of having seen the statue. Nonetheless, being familiar with the general area, I can say it certainly would have been a commanding sight.
   So what can be learned from this episode, other than that things in China are sometimes rather mysterious? I would suggest that it shows what happens when government officials don't follow a policy of transparency. In the absence of any clear facts, rumors start flying. If, in fact, the statue has simply been removed to another location, and this had always been planned, it seems to me that officials should have invited reporters (and/or the public) to see the statue in its new surroundings. Until something like that happens, those rumors will keep on flying...
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Justice Is Served: The Death of Osama Bin Laden

[A note to readers: I apologize for not posting for a number of weeks, but a combination of a heavy load of papers to correct and grade and some personal reasons have prevented me from doing so until now.]
 
   Nearly a decade after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, D.C. that he masterminded, al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden is dead, killed in Pakistan by U.S. Special Operations troops. I realize that a lot of people have or will be commenting on this major event, but I have a few brief comments of my own to make:
 
(1) I am gratified that justice has been done. Bin Laden was, without a doubt, responsible for the deaths of thousands of people. Apparently unrepentent to the end for his actions, it seems pretty clear that the world will be a better place without him. As a Christian, I believe that all unrepentent evildoers will ultimately face judgment, whether in this world or the next, but often it seems that such people escape justice in this world. It is heartening to see that this is not always the case. 
 
(2) It is also satisfying that Bin Laden was killed by American troops. Since his greatest crime was committed against Americans, it is only appropriate that he be brought to justice by the nation that he had most seriously harmed.
 
(3) Bin Laden's death is unlikely to lessen the threat from Al Qaeda or like-minded groups, at least in the short term. In fact, terrorist action in retaliation for his death would not be unexpected. Moreover, as his importance to al Qaeda as a leader apparently was much less in recent years due to a decentralization of the terrorist organization's structure, his death will probably have a limited effect on al Qaeda's operations. On the other hand, his death is clearly a signal to al Qaeda's leaders and rank-and-file that they cannot assume that they will always be able to act with impunity.
 
(4) Despite the fact that I am not usually a big fan of President Barack Obama, I think he should be given credit for giving the order to carry out the operation that led to Bin Laden's death. Of course, most of the credit should be given to the brave men who actually carried out the operation. Nevertheless, I am tempted to say that this was perhaps the most praiseworthy action taken by Obama so far in his
presidency.
 
(5) Here in China, while watching reports about Bin Laden's death on the government-controlled, English-language CCTV News channel, I coudn't help noticing that the anchor twice made reference to the positive implications of Bin Laden's death for President Obama's reelection bid. I suspect that this event will have at least a short term effect on Obama's popularity, but the election is about a year and a half away, so a lot can happen between now and then. Moreover, there is a historical precedent to consider: almost exactly twenty years ago, the United States (and its allies) had won a spectacular victory against Iraqi forces in the Persian Gulf War. Then President George H.W. Bush was riding high in the polls, with approval ratings in the 90s, if I recall correctly. Yet a year and a half later he lost to Bill Clinton, primarily due to concerns about the economy. I suspect that by November 2012, most voters are going to be more concerned about the state of the economy than the state of the "war on terror" (or "overseas contingency operations" as the Obama Administration calls it), and if the economy hasn't significantly improved by then, Obama could be in a lot of trouble, despite his current triumph. We shall see...
 
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Life in China: Rules Were Meant To Be Broken

   [A note to readers: I apologize for not having posted in two and a half weeks. A pile of student papers to correct and some other matters are to blame. I hope to blog more regularly in the future.]
 
   A few days ago I took my daughter to the zoo here in Beijing. It was a holiday, the day before Qing Ming, a traditional Chinese holiday sometimes called "Tomb-Sweeping Day" in English. Naturally, as it was a holiday, there were a lot of people. Nevertheless, after waiting in line for a few minutes, I was able to buy a ticket for the two of us (my daughter is short enough that she actually doesn't have to pay--in China, children get free admission based on their height, not their age).
   While in the zoo, I noticed some rather typical Chinese behavior--a lot of people smoking and some spitting, babies and toddlers in split pants urinating on the ground, etc. (Chinese babies and toddlers often do not wear diapers). I also noticed some egregious rule-breaking. Despite a prohibition on feeding the animals, it was quite clear that some people had been doing so and I saw at least in one case a person in the very act (although, to be fair, she didn't look Chinese, but no one stopped her). There was also a large stone statue of a tiger on a massive stone pedestal. There was a sign prohibiting people from climbing onto the statue, and there was even a coil of barbed-wire around the base of the statue to discourage climbing. Nonetheless, people (including children) were climbing gingerly over the barbed-wire in order to have their picture taken next to the statue.
   Now many people in the U.S. or other Western countries have heard that China is an authoritarian country. There is, in fact, a long tradition of authoritarianism in Chinese history. Yet it is not uncommon to see people in China ignoring the rules. The classic example for me are the signs in the men's bathrooms prohibiting smoking. Such signs are almost always ignored. This may seem a paradox: why would a people in a country viewed by many outsiders as highly authoritarian be so noncholant about the rules? I think there are at least two reasons. First, historically in China, there has been the notion that laws and regulations are tools to be used by those in power to keep others under their control. This goes back at least to the so-called Legalist philosophers about two thousand years ago, who argued that for a country to flourish there had to be strict laws enforced by a system of severe punishment. Thus, laws have merely a pragmatic basis. There has not been the idea often prevalent in Western culture that laws should be, ideally, a reflection of some transcendent (even divine) law. Thus, breaking a law or rule in China is perceived as not being (that) morally reprehensible.  The only bad thing about breaking a rule is that it might have adverse consequences for you (and possibly your family). Second, often the rules in China seem rather arbitrary anyway (or perhaps inconsistently enforced), so, it would appear, that many Chinese have concluded that there is no point in obeying them.
       I remember many years ago reading a book written by foreign journalist who had lived in China in the early years after the country opened up to the outside world. He wrote something to the effect that China was an authoritarian society with an authority crisis. He attributed this to the lawlessness that occured during the so-called Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). I think he had a point, but I suspect the story is even more complicated than that.
   By the way, remember that line we waited in to buy our ticket? It wasn't quite a line like you would see in the U.S. It wasn't altogether straight, nor was it clear that everyone was accepting of the idea of waiting one's turn. In short, it was very Chinese...
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

From Beijing to Tripoli: China's Votes "Present" on Libya

   As Operation Odyssey Dawn begins, the United Nations-authorized military intervention against the Qadaffi regime in Libya, the Chinese government seems to be largely sitting on the sidelines. When the vote to authorize a "no-fly zone" in Libya was taken by the UN Security Council, two of the council's permanent members, Russia and China, declined either to vote for the resolution or to exercise their power to veto it.  In effect, both countries' governments chose neither to endorse or oppose military intervention in Libya. In the case of the Chinese government, this decision, in effect, to vote "present" seems to conflict with its longstanding opposition to "interference" in the internal affairs of other countries, but there would seem to be a practical reason for this.
    Since at least the Bandung Conference in the 1950s, one of the pillars of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China has been to oppose interference in other countries' domestic affairs. This has been presented as a matter of principle, but has also been  practical--I suspect that one reason for adopting such a policy was to undercut the legitimacy of any efforts by another country to involve itself in China's own internal affairs, a great concern of the Chinese government. On the whole, this policy has been followed fairly consitently over the last several decades, although it has arguably been at times been honored in the breach. For example, during the early years of the People's Republic, China outwardly maintained proper relations with neighboring countries, but at the same time, supported Communist insurgencies in some of them. This was officially rationalized as being due to a distinction between state-to-state (government-to-government) relations and party-to-party relations. Thus, the Chinese government maintained proper official relations with the governments of other countries, while the Chinese Communist Party supported its counterparts in the same countries. Eventually, though, such a schizophrenic approach to foreign policy was abandoned.
   Once the People's Republic gained a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, it seemed to be in an ideal position to put some muscle into this non-intervention policy. However, on the whole, the Chinese government has declined to use its veto power, even in cases when it might have been expected to. One of the few (perhaps the only?) occasions that I can recall in which China exercised its veto power took place in the 1990s. A vote came up to reauthorize a UN peacekeeping mission in the troubled Caribbean nation of Haiti. China decided to veto the resolution containing the reauthorization. The reason for its action was apparently to protest the fact that Haiti maintained official relations with Taiwan, rather than with China.  However, as I recall, the reaction by many other countries to this action was rather negative, and eventually China dropped its opposition to UN involvement in Haiti. In fact, somewhat ironically, there are now Chinese peacekeepers in Haiti--a fact that is sometimes brought up by the Chinese media--despite the fact that Haiti still does not have diplomatic ties with Beijing! Perhaps due to this unpleasant experience with the Haiti resolution, the Chinese government has since appeared to pursue a policy of not vetoing resolutions of which it does not approve; rather, it will decline to vote at all while expressing its qualms about the particular measure. Thus, it was not surprising to me that a brief news item on the government-run, English language CCTV News noted that the Chinese government had expressed "reservations" about the resolution on the Libyan "no-fly zone." The benefit of such a policy, it would seem to me, is that avoids directing an unwelcome spotlight on Chinese foreign policy while allowing the Chinese government to disassociate itself from any negative consequences of a Security Council action.
   As for actual Chinese concerns about the situation in Libya, the principal concern has seemed to be about the safety of Chinese nationals in the country, about 30,000 according to one report I have seen. The Chinese government went so far as to dispatch a Chinese naval vessel to the vicinity of Libya to assist in the evacuation of its nationals. I found it striking that the one report (in Chinese) I watched on Chinese television about the Libyan situation was entirely about the evacuation efforts. There may be other concerns, such as oil imports from Libya, but on the whole the Chinese government seems to have a limited interest in the Libyan situation. However, given the uncertainty of future events, perhaps that will change. 
   
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

A Futile Hope? The End of "Feudalism" in China

   Here in China the spring semester has just started at the university where I teach. Since my workload is not as heavy as it will become later in the semester, I have had some free time this week. Therefore, yesterday I decided to pay a visit to what is officially called the "Former Palace Museum," but which is known to most Westerners as the "Forbidden City," the home of Chinese emperors from the 15th century until the early 20th century. During my visit I read a sign that introduced the history of the former imperial palace. The sign included this phrase: "feudal emperor" (or fengjian huangdi in Chinese). One of my least favorite words in China had struck again!
     This phrase "feudal emperor" especially struck me as illogical and ridiculous. As I think anyone who has studied European history knows, properly speaking feudalism was a system in which a monarch granted tracts of land to the nobility as their exclusive domains in return for a promise of military service to the monarch. In such a system, political power was relatively decentralized, with the nobility (at least those in the highest ranks of the nobility) being only a little less powerful than the king himself. In contrast, in China's imperial system, political power was almost totally centralized in the hands of the emperor as the "Son of Heaven" (in theory at least--some Chinese emperors were weak and others held the real power). It was only during the Zhou Dynasty, several centuries before the birth of Christ, that China had something resembling a full-scale feudal system. Thus, if "feudal" is used in its historically correct sense, China never had any "feudal" emperors. 
   Of course, the reason "feudal" is used in this way is a reflection of Marxist/Communist ideology. In the Marxist view of things, feudalism was the political/social/economic system that preceeded the development of capitalism, which was to be succeeded in turn by socialism and then communism. Thus, anything that occurred before the advent of Communism in China can be labeled "feudal." Of course, if we were to follow the Marxist framework consistently, we would have to acknowledge that "feudalism" in China was followed by capitalism, but would the Communist Party be comfortable with the idea that China is now going through a capitalist stage? Officially, what China has is "socialism with Chinese characteristics," so presumably capitalism has been left behind, but not a few people have commented that the "Chinese characteristics" of that formula seem awfully similar to capitalism. In fact, this use of "feudal" just shows how problemmatic it is to apply analytical constructs that may, arguably, apply in one part of the world (Europe) but don't reflect historical realities in another part of the world (China)
   To be fair, it seems that to many Chinese the word "feudal" (fengjian) simply means that something is old-fashioned and/or reactionary. Thus, the word has largely lost its original meaning--it has become a sort of political swear word, like "fascist." Moreover, there seems to be a tendency to feel that certain labels must be used to express the proper ideological stance; thus, "feudal" gets applied to various aspects of the "old China," whether logically or not.
   Furthermore, living in China one often faces such seemingly illogical or contradictory phenomena, like a Communist Party that includes businessmen in its ranks (what happened to the capitalist exploiters?), or an ideology that theoretically transcends parochial nationalism but is in fact closely connected to it. It would appear that few in China have any problem with such apparent contradictions (after all, one of Mao Zedong's most famous contributions to Marxist thought was his theory of contradictions!). Thus, it is probably futile to hope that "feudalism" is going to disappear very soon in China. 
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

The Obama Administration Divorces Itself From DOMA

   Just a few days ago, the Obama Administration announced it would no longer seek to defend the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) of 1996 in the Federal courts. DOMA, which was overwhelmingly passed by Congress at the time and signed by President Clinton, contains two major provisions. First, it defines marriage as being between a man and a woman for the purposes of Federal programs. Second, it provides that no state may be forced to recognize same-sex "marriages" recognized in another state. The law was enacted at a time when it appeared that the state of Hawaii was about to recognize so-called same-sex marriages and there was a concern that some might try to use the "full faith and credit clause" of the U.S. Constitution to force other states recognize same-sex "marriages" recognized in Hawaii or other states. The Obama Administration is claiming that DOMA is unconstitutional and therefore it will no longer defend it against legal attacks in the Federal courts.
   Is DOMA unconstitutional? Well, this would be a matter of debate. Perhaps more importantly, does the President have the authority not to defend duly enacted Federal laws that he believes are unconstitutional? I am not an expert in constitutional law, but it seems to me that there might be cases in which a president is justified in not defending (or enforcing) a law or a particular part of a law passed by Congress. I would say that, given that the presidential oath of office commits the president to "preserve, protect, and defend" the Constitution, the President has, first of all, the responsibility not to sign or even veto legislation that clearly violates the Constitution or (perhaps) a ruling by the Supreme Court defining what is constitutional or not. If his veto is overridden or it is obvious that the legislation will pass by a veto-proof majority, then I believe the president should refuse to defend or enforce the legislation (or at least, make clear that any compliance o his part with the law is voluntary, as has been the case with the so-called War Powers Act). However, in cases in which the legislation does not on its face violate the Constitution or a Supreme Court decision, I don't think it is appropriate for an administration to refuse to defend or enforce the law. In the case of DOMA, there clearly is nothing in the text of the Constitution that prohibits the enactment of such legislation. Some might argue that DOMA violates the "full faith and credit clause" but that is at least debatable. The "full faith and credit" clause requires each state to give "full faith and credit" to the "public acts, records, and judicial proceedings" of another state, but it is clear that a marriage license is not a "judicial proceeding" and it is not even clear if it would constitute a "public act" or a "record." Moreover, Congress is given authority in the same clause to "prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof." Futhermore, the Constitution contains no reference to a "right to marry" and, so far, the Supreme Court has failed to declare that such a "right" exists (whether they would be right to do so is another matter). Thus, there is no real legal justification in my view for the Obama Administration's decision.
   There might be, though, for the Obama Administration a good political reason for its decision. Having lost control of the U.S. House of Representatives and a number of governorships to the Republicans, President Obama's chances for re-election seem somewhat in doubt. Obama needs all the support he can get if he is to have any hope of winning in 2012. In the wake the last (Democratic-controlled) Congress' decision to end the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" (DADT) policy prohibiting homosexuals from serving openly in the military, what better way to convince homosexuals that all the more Obama and the Democrats have their best interests at heart? Moreover, DOMA is generally opposed by the liberal/progressive voters whose support Obama feels he needs to cultivate. Indeed, the President's apparent reluctance to push for significant cuts in the Federal budget, his support for DADT repeal, and this decision to no longer defend DOMA in the courts suggest that he is not really that serious in pursuing a "centrist" strategy for his re-election. Rather, it seems he is putting his hopes in his ideological base, the Left. Or perhaps he is hoping that he can gain support from the Left from these moves while those voters more in the political center will forget or be unaware of these seemingly ideologically-driven policy decisions. Only time will show whether this will prove to be a winning strategy.
   Of course, President Obama has said that his views on same-sex "marriage" are "evolving." The decision to abandon DOMA would seem to suggest a further "evolution" in his thinking, except for the fact that he had already been on record as opposing DOMA. Indeed, his opposition to DOMA and expressed opposition to California's Proposition 8 defining marriage as being between a man and a woman strongly suggests to me that his earlier professed opposition to same-sex "marriage" was never that strong in the first place or mainly intended for political consumption (to give himself a more "centrist" image), or even that, like some Catholic politicians on abortion, that he was "personally" opposed to it but didn't believe in "forcing his beliefs" on others. I don't think that at this point we should be surprised if he should suddenly announce his support for same-sex "marriage."  The problem he faces, though, is while there may be somewhat more public support for the idea than before, it is still a controversial position to take and one that could hurt him at least as much as help him. The fact that in every state in which same-sex "marriage" has been put on the ballot, it has lost, suggests that there is still considerable unease with the idea among many voters (and not necessarily just social/religious conservatives).  
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Life in China: Spit in Your Eye (Or Thereabouts)

   One of the most evocative sounds of winter here in China's capital Beijing is the sound of someone (usually a man) clearing his throat and then--pfft--spitting on the ground. It is particularly heard a great deal (but not exclusively) in the winter, I suppose, due to the prevalence of colds in this season. Moreover, as an estimated two-thirds of all Chinese men smoke, it perhaps not that surprising that there is a lot of throat-clearing (and spitting). Thus, throughout the winter especially the sidewalks are festooned with little wet spots from spit or even globs of spittle. One has to be rather careful when walking outside.
   I have to confess that this is one sound of winter I could do without--I find it quite disgusting. However, it seems that most Chinese take it for granted. Indeed, I understand that traditionally Chinese people have believed that swallowing one's own spittle or flem is unhealthy; thus, it is better to spit it out. I do recall reading during the SARS epidemic in 2003 that some people gave up spitting in public for fear of spreading the disease, but apparently, once the crisis passed, many happily returned to their old habit.
   Furthermore, the spitters have a model in a famous Chinese leader. The late Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping, the de facto leader of China throughout 1980s and part of the 1990s, was noted for spitting loudly while meeting with foreign leaders. This habit was attributed to his many years of living in the countryside. However, to be fair, China's current leaders, like President Hu Jintao, seem generally not to be addicted to this habit, at least in public.
   I suppose as an American I shouldn't complain--after all, according to the Lonely Planet guide to China, British visitors to the U.S. during the 19th century complained about the same phenomenon. Nevertheless, as I sometimes see political slogans here urging people to act in a "civilized" (wenming) manner (such as when lining up for a bus--not that it seems to make much difference), discouraging this habit would seem to be one step towards fostering the image of a "civilzied" China.
   
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Pianos and Churches: A Trip to Xiamen

   Last week we had the opportunity to visit Xiamen (pronounced "shya-mon"), a port city on the southeastern coast of China. Xiamen is a city with an interesting history and was a major point of debarkation for Chinese emigrating to other countries. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, it also was home to a fairly large number of Westerners. Given this Western influence, it is perhaps not surprising that Xiamen is well-known for its devotion to Western classical music and that it has been a center for Christianity in China.
   In more recent times, Xiamen has been in the forefront of China's "Reform and Opening Up" policy. It is one of the original "special economic zones" set up some thirty years ago by the Chinese government as a test-bed for the market-oriented economic reforms that have become prevalent throughout the country. Thus, it is not surprising that Xiamen is booming.
   During most of our time in Xiamen, we stayed on Gulangyu, a small island located off the main island of Xiamen, which is only accessible by ferry. Gulangyu was once the main residential area for Westerners living in Xiamen and the site of a number of foreign consulates. Thus, the island is filled with buildings that would almost look more at home in a small European town than in China. The streets are relatively narrow and often traverse up and down hills. Perhaps most notable, for China, is the fact that no motorized vehicles are allowed on Gulangyu, which means walking is the primary form of transportation. Reflecting its reputation as the classical music capital of China, it has both a piano museum and an organ museum, as well as a concert hall where free concerts are presented almost nightly. Gulangyu's Christian heritage is also reflected in the prominence of churches and Christian cemeteries. In many ways, Gulangyu seems like a throw-back to a quieter past, but there is still evidence of China's more recent turmoils on the island. As we were touring the island, our host, who was born on the island, pointed out that a number of the tombstones in the Christian cemeteries had been vandalized, probably during the so-called Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s and early 1970s, when bands of "Red Guards" (usually college, or sometimes high school, students) roamed the country destroying anything reminiscent of the so-called old society or of Western "imperialism".
   Staying on Gulangyu was quite an experience, as it was, in the evenings at least, probably the quietest place in China I have ever been. However, not all is idyllic. The island is clearly being developed as a tourist destination and change, not always so welcomed, has come to Gulangyu. According to our host, a number of years ago it was decided to relocate the original inhabitants of the island elsewhere and to import workers from Anhui Province (a poor inland province) to work on construction and renovation projects. There was some uproar about this plan and it was eventually abandoned, but many of the workers from Anhui remained, and as a result, the island seems to have lost some of its original flavor. In the past, Gulangyu was called "Piano Island" as the sound of people practicing the piano used to be quite common, but this sound is no longer frequently heard, as many of the original inhabitants have left. A few years ago, the authorities planned to charge everyone coming to the island a fee of 80 Chinese yuan (more than US$10) for every trip. Needless to say, the locals were outraged as it would have meant paying a large amount annually to travel to and from their own homes, and eventually the plan was scrapped. However, this sort of thing is not that unusual in China, where it seems that often those in authority come up with big plans without considering carefully the impact on the laobaixing (the "Old Hundred Surnames"--ordinary people).
   Perhaps my biggest disappointment during this trip was that I was unable to visit Jinmen. Jinmen is one of several islands near Xiamen that are still controlled by the Chinese Nationalists (also known as the Kuomintang or KMT) who rule Taiwan. In fact, Jinmen was the site of one of the few battles during the Chinese Civil War of the late 1940s in which the Chinese Nationalists actually defeated the Communists. For many years it was considered one of the "frontlines" in the conflict between the Communists and Nationalists and tensions were high. However, in more recent years, as tensions between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan have eased, Jinmen has actually been opened up to tourism by the authorities in Taipei. I think it would have been interesting to see this place that used to be such a "hot spot" in the conflict between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan, but unfortunately, neither time or the weather were on my side. Perhaps next time (if there is a next time)... 
      
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Health Care in China: A Personal Perspective

   On January 19, 2011, Robert Costa, in a posting on the website National Review Online, reported a rather interesting statement made by Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (Democrat, Texas) on the sidelines of the debate on repeal of "Obamacare." Rep. Lee was reported as saying that a member of an official Chinese delegation she had met with had expressed puzzlement about the health care debate in the U.S. because in China it was thought that health care was something everyone should have. As someone who quite recently experienced (at least one aspect) of health care in China, I cannot resist commenting on this issue.
   On the evening of January 23, I began to develop an unusually fast heartbeat. As this condition had not improved by the following morning, my wife took me to the hospital nearest to the university where I teach here in Beijing. Interestingly, this is a military hospital, but, unlike in the U.S., at least some military hospitals in China are open to civilians, as was this one. The hospital has been recently expanded and features a rather new, modern wing. I was eventually taken to the emergency room and diagnosed as suffering from an atrial fibrillation. As my heartbeat was still quite rapid despite several hours of being on an IV, I was admitted as an in-patient in the cardiac care ward. After five days of being hooked up to an IV and a heart monitor and undergoing a number of tests, including a CAT scan, I was released. I am happy to report that I am feeling better--even though it was discovered in the course of my stay in the hospital that I had high blood pressure.
   In light of this experience, permit me a few observations about Chinese health care from a personal perspective. On the one hand, some what I observed was rather impressive. The hospital itself, the equipment, the quality of care provided by the doctors and nurses did not seem too different from what one might experience in  a good hospital in the U.S,. Moreover, the cost of the care I received seemed almost ridiculously low by U.S. standards. The bill for the care I received in the emergency room came to approximately $171, while my in-patient care charges came to around $1400. Not bad for five days in the hospital. Of course, one reason why these charges were relatively low is that most people's income level in China is lower. Moreover, I suspect that some of medical costs in China are subsidized by the government. As for the quality of care and the facilities, remember that this was a military hospital in a major Chinese city. The military has a somewhat special status in China, so perhaps it should not be surprising that a military hospital should have fairly good facilities and equipment. In addition, the standard of living in large urban areas is generally more higher than in the countryside, and this is no doubt reflected in the quality of the medical care one receives.  It is unlikely that a hospital in the countryside or a small city would be so nice. In fact, I have been in some hospitals in Beijing where the facilities were less impressive.
     On the other hand, some aspects of health care in China do not seem so impressive. One scene I observed I thought was also quite telling about the state of medical care in China. When I was in the emergency room, another man came into the emergency room on his own, apparently experiencing some sort of medical emergency--though I never could quite determine what it was. As he was in the midst of being treated, a nurse came up and demanded that he pay her cash for his treatment. In the midst of his medical emergency, he was obligated to search for his wallet. My experience in China is that one is expected to pay up-front for the costs of medical care. My understanding is that some people have health insurance, but most do not. In the countryside, I believe there is some sort of government-run health insurance program, but I also understand their have been complaints that the benefits received are not that great. China used to have universal health care provided by the government in the old days before the current economic reforms. However, the quality of care was not that high (often provided by "barefoot doctors" with only basic medical training) and the politically influential were able to use their positions to receive much better care. Since the economic reforms of the late 1970s and early 1980s, the old system has been abandoned but there is no comprehensive system has been set up to take its place.
   In short, I would have to say to Rep. Lee that yes, in theory,  everyone has access to health care in China. However, the reality is that it often depends on one's ability to pay. Stories of families being wiped out financially by the costs of medical treatment are not uncommon. Thus, I wonder if she knew about the reality of health care in China whether she would so be quick to use China to prove how supposedly backward the U.S. is in comparison with other countries in terms of access to health care.
   
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Beijing Cabbies Say the Darnedst Things!

   Living in Beijing without a car (and most of the time I am content not to have one, despite the occasional inconveniences, given the often horrendous traffic and frequent lack of regard for traffic laws), I find myself riding in a taxi quite often (I do use the bus and subway as well, but sometimes a taxi is quicker and/or more convenient). Sometimes the drivers are rather taciturn (or too busy listening to the radio), so little conversation ensues. However, I often do find myself engaged in conversation with a cabbie. Of course, these conversations are conducted in Chinese, which is a bonus as it allows me some language practice! Often our topics of conversation are trivial, like: where are you from, what do you do for a living,  can your daughter speak Chinese? However, on occasion there have been some rather memorable exchanges.
 
   For example, I recall one occasion in 2007 or 2008 during which, soon after entering the taxi and giving the driver my destination, the following conversation ensued (to the best of my memory):
 
         Cabbie: Where are you from?
         Me: The United States.
         Cabbie: Oh. I don't like your country's president [George W. Bush]. I am for peace.
 
Needless to say, I thought this was a rather strange way to open a conversation with a stranger, particularly a foreigner. I couldn't help imagining an identical situation involving a Chinese visitor to Washington, D.C.:
 
      Cabbie: Where are you from?
      Visitor: China.
      Cabbie: Oh. I don't like your country's president--he's a really bad guy.
 
   Nevertheless, this conversation was enlightening in a way as it revealed how official viewpoints in China trickle down to the laobaixing ("Old Hundred Surnames"--ordinary people). As far as I could tell, the Chinese media (which is ultimately under government influence) tended to portray the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in a negative light (one of my students told me the U.S. invaded Iraq to get control of its oil--a view, as I pointed out to her, some Americans shared). At least one reason for this negative portrayal, I believe, is that the Chinese government is, for historical and ideological reasons, very sensitive about the issue of national sovereignty. In its view, national sovereignty trumps just about anything else in international relations, and as a matter of principle, this is not only true in the case of China itself but also other countries. Thus, by invading Iraq, the U.S. was commiting the cardinal "sin" of violating another country's national sovereignty, no matter what justification was given for that action or how horrible Saddam Hussein was.
 
   On the other hand, from time to time I have heard some Beijing cabbies express ideas that seemed to depart from the official line.  For instance, on one occasion, after getting into a taxi on the campus of the university where I teach, the driver mentioned the fact that our university had been the alma mater of a rather well-known leader of the student protest movement in 1989 (who later escaped from China). His tone of voice did not seem to express approval or disapproval of this student leader's actions at the time; he seemed rather matter-of-fact about the topic. Still, I was rather surprised he would say anything about this, for it seems that the Chinese government would much rather that people forget about those tumultuous days. It would appear that not everyone has forgotten.
   On another (more recent) occasion, my daughter and I got into a taxi and it turned out that the driver recognized us--he had apparently driven us to church several weeks before. Recalling our previous meeting, he asked us whether we were going to a Catholic or Protestant church. Then he went on to, in effect, endorse the social value of religious belief, saying that religion caused people to act in a moral way. He went on to say further that it was a pity that (in his view) so few Chinese people believed in any religion. I also found this conversation striking, given that we were in a country ruled by a Communist party that propagates atheism and which for many years had portrayed religious belief in a negative light (although, to be fair, in recent years there seems to have been a somewhat more positive portrayal of religion, in terms of its social utility at least). It would seem that he had formed his own views on the subject and was not afraid to express them.   
 
   Thus, it would appear, sometimes even taking a taxi can given you a sense of the diversity of views in a country as large as China.
 
 
 
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (1) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Civics and Civility: A History Lesson and Some Thoughts

   During George Washington's second term as president, Thomas Paine, author of the influential pamphlet Common Sense, which had inspired many Americans to continue the fight for independence in its darkest hours, wrote and published a long screed criticizing the president. Paine was angry that Washington had failed to intervene on his behalf when Paine was imprisoned in France and facing the guillotine (even though Paine had taken on French citizenship!). Among other things, he said that Washington was "treacherous in private friendship....and a hypocrite in public life" and claimed Washington was an inept military leader (see Gaines, For Liberty and Glory: Washington, Lafayette, and Their Revolutions). It may be difficult for us to imagine today that anyone would have said such nasty things about a figure so revered as Washington, but in fact, such criticism was hardly unknown in Washington's time. Indeed, nearly all of the Founding Fathers at one time or another came under heavy rhetorical assault from their political enemies.
   All of this goes to show that the use of uncivil language in political discourse has a long history in the United States. Americans are now facing a debate on this issue once again. In the wake of the attempted killing of Congressonwoman Giffords in Arizona and the actual killing of a number of bystanders by an obviously insane man, some on the Left have charged that this horrendous act was the result of the violent imagery or language used by former Alaska Governor Sarah Pailin, the "Tea Party," and/or other "right-wingers." This is despite the lack of any evidence that the killer was motivated by such rhetoric. In response, many on the Right have pointed out the hypocrisy of the Left in this matter, citing many examples of inflammatory language used by figures on the Left.
   So, what do I think about all of this? Living in China as an expatriate U.S. citizen, I feel a little removed from the passions of the debate in my home country. Yet, I would suggest that perhaps we can learn a lesson from the Washington/Paine episode (and some subsequent history). On the one hand, it is striking how even in the infant United States people felt free to express the feeliings about public figures. This was not necessarily the case in Europe at that time. Indeed, one could argue that freedom of political speech was one of the hallmarks of the new country. However, during the presidency of Washington's successor, John Adams, there was an attempt to limit free speech by prohibiting criticism of the President through passage of the Sedition Act. This action ended up backfiring spectacularly on the Federalist majority in Congress that pushed the legislation through, as it came to be seen by many as merely a means to punish and silence the Federalists' political opponents, the Democratic-Republicans (that sounds strange doesn't it--though maybe not to those who insist that there isn't that much difference between the modern-day Democrats and Republicans!). When the Democratic-Republicans under Thomas Jefferson took control of the presidency and Congress in the next election, the Sedition Act was repealed and no more successful efforts were made to limit political speech in the country. I would say that this was all to the good, for if people in a democracy cannot freely express what they think, then democracy itself is greatly diminished. Thus, I would hope that any efforts to limit "incivility" in speech by law or regulation (like the so-called Fairness Doctrine) would be firmly resisted.
   On the other hand, it is instructive to see what happen to Paine after he made his blast against Washington. Apparently, much of the public in his time felt Paine had gone too far, and he became essentially a political pariah after this event. Thus, while I believe there should be no legal limits on what people may say in political discourse about public figures, whether Sarah Pailin or Barack Obama, I would like to think that there would be cost to pay in terms of personal reputation for those who "cross the line" from legitimate criticism to outright slander. Unfortunately, these days this rarely seems the case--too often there are those who will condone or even defend such slander or even admire those who say such things as "speaking truth to power" or the like.
   I think part of the problem for the seeming uprise in the use of inflammatory political rhetoric is that some people are unable to distinguish between those who are genuinely bent on doing evil and those who may be advocating or doing something that we think is wrong but are nonetheless motivated by good intentions. For my part, though I don't approve of many of President Obama's policies, I refuse to write of him as if he were some sort of enemy of the good; rather, in light of any evidence to the contrary, I assume that he is well-intentioned even if wrongheaded in some of the policies he pursues. Therefore, I am appalled by those who say that Obama is trying to destroy the country, is a cryto-Communist (or Muslim), or other such nonsense. It is possible to disagree vigorously with someone without descending to demonization. I would like to hope that many on the Left would take the same attitude toward a controversial figure on the Right like Sarah Pailin (of whom I am not a hard-core fan, but I suspect that on a number of issues I would agree with her), but it remains to be seen whether this will prove to be the case. Certainly, recent events do not inspire great hope that the slanderous attacks on Governor Pailin are going to diminish any time soon...
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Life in China: Now, What Holiday Are We Celebrating?

   Tonight, here in Beijing, China, there is an extremely cold, blustery wind blowing outside, but not a flake of snow. It's New Year's Eve--tomorrow will be the first day of a new year. Or will it? The New Year's Day that is celebrated in the U.S. and other Western countries is an official holiday in China--in fact, many will be getting this coming Monday off in light of the fact that New Year's Day falls on the weekend this time, a rare three-day weekend--but in a sense it's not the "real" New Year's Day for many Chinese. Although it no longer has its former status as the official beginning of a new year, Chunjie (literally, the "Spring Festival"), often referred to in the West as "Chinese New Year," (or the "Lunar New Year") still is a much more significant holiday for the Chinese. In fact, it is almost a cliche to say that Chunjie holds the position in Chinese culture that Christmas does in American culture. Like Christmas, many look forward to its coming all year and the weeks preceeding it are filled with anticipation. Like Christmas, it is a time for festive activities and family reunions. The New Year's Day that will be officially marked tomorrow here in China simply does not have the emotional resonance that the traditional New Year's Day has. Here in Beijing, it will be marked no doubt by some festivities. For instance, a common event is the New Year's Day concert--symphony orchestras in Beijing all seem to schedule concerts of Strauss waltzes and the like in the first few days of the new year. Still, it seems mainly an excuse for a rare day off for many people.
     In fact, the whole month or so between January 1 and Chunjie always has a strange feeling for me--it's a new year, but somehow it's still not a new year. At the university where I teach, the fall semester actually ends after the middle of January, whereas in the U.S., many universities have already begun the spring semester by that point. A little unsettling!
   Adding to the confusion of the two New Year's Days, so to speak, is the growing popularity of Christmas in China. Unlike (the Western) New Year's Day, Christmas has no official status in China, yet it is increasingly being celebrated by many Chinese. Given its proximity to New Year's Day, it is perhaps not surprising that the two holidays get linked. Thus, for example, sometimes one receives New Year's cards from Chinese friends in lieu of the expected Christmas cards. Stores and the lobbies of office buildings and hotels may feature decorations that do double-duty for both holidays. However, this practice sometimes leads to some confusing results. Recently, I've noticed a number of signs reading "Merry Christmas 2011". Apparently, this is meant as a reference to both Christmas and New Year's. Needless to say, however, it sounds like someone is already starting to celebrate the next Christmas! And to think people complain about stores in the U.S. decorating for Christmas right after (or even before) Halloween...
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive

Christmas in Beijing, 2010

   It's Christmas time here in China's capital--Santa's face appears on the windows of many shops and restaurants, Christmas trees stand in the lobbies of office buildings and hotels, and--"wait a minute," you might say, "they actually celebrate Christmas in Beijing?" Yes, they do. Despite the fact that Christians make up only about five percent (at most ten percent) of China's population (and that it has a Communist government that officially promotes atheism), Christmas, in a secular form at least, is celebrated rather widely in many parts of the country. There seems to be something about the festiveness and bright cheer associated with Christmas that attracts people, many of whom have little idea of the origin of the holiday though (or so I suspect).
   This should not be too surprising, as Christmas seems to be spreading almost worldwide. For example, despite the fact that it has even fewer Christians per capita than China (around one percent), Christmas is celebrated in Japan as a fairly significant holiday. This may be partially due to the fact that it occurs only a week before New Year's Day, which traditionally was the most important holiday in Japan, and partially due to commerical reasons. Whatever the reason, Christmas apparently has come to take on a certain importance for the Japanese. However, as I understand it, the Japanese have put their own spin on the holiday. For example, in Japan, one of the things that everyone is expected to do on Christmas is to eat something called a "Christmas cake." Moreover, a "tradition" has developed over the years (perhaps as a result of shrewd marketing) that one is supposed to eat out at a KFC fast-food restaurant on Christmas Eve (I still don't quite understand this!).
   Like in Japan, Christmas in China has its own uniquely Chinese characteristics. Several weeks ago during an Oral English class for freshmen at my university here in Beijing, I was fielding questions from my students about American Christmas customs. One student asked me why people gave apples to each other for Christmas. I had to reply that I had no idea as I had never heard of such a custom. During the class break, another student came up to me and explained the reason for "Christmas apples." In China, Christmas Eve is called Ping An Ye, which literally means "Silent Night." Obviously, this is reference to the famous Christmas carol. The Chinese word for "apple" is pingguo. Thus, there is a pun on the similarity in sound between the first part of the name for Christmas Eve and the first syllable in the word "apple." To give someone an apple for Christmas is, apparently a way of wishing him or her peace and prosperity. Of course, it's hard not to imagine this "tradition" had its start with fruit-sellers. Christmas Eve also seems to be a big night for people to go out, and the resultant traffic hardly makes it a "silent night"!
   However, unlike Japan (to the best of my knowledge), there seems to be at least some awareness of the original reason for celebrating Christmas here in China. My understanding is that attending a Christmas Eve service has become rather popular. In fact, I have read that many of the churches in Beijing are packed on Christmas Eve, to a certain extent by curious non-believers (of course, I am referring to those churches that are sponsored by the Chinese government). Indeed, a few days before Christmas, one of my students, hearing that I planned to attend a Christmas Eve service, asked somewhat shyly if she could accompany me. Unfortunately, I had to point out to her that the church we attend, as it operates only with the Chinese government's permission, is open solely to foreign citizens--anyone wishing to attend actually has to show his or her passport or other foreign ID at the door.
   Still, I find it interesting that Christmas is gaining more attention here in China. On the other hand, given that a large percentage of the Christmas tree lights and other Christmas decorations that one buys in the U.S. are now "made in China," perhaps it shouldn't be surprising that people here might begin wondering what the big deal was about Christmas!  
    
 
Email ItEmail It | Print ItPrint It | CommentsComments (0) | TrackbacksTrackbacks (0) | Flag as offensiveFlag as Offensive
« Previous12345678Next »